Historical Aspects of Involving Foreigners in Various Armies

The inclusion of foreigners in national armies has been a common practice since ancient times, taking various forms, including the forced enlistment of captured slaves and the engagement of foreign mercenaries.

Throughout the Middle Ages, military conflicts among feudal lords and later nation-states often unfolded with the participation of mercenaries.

In Ukrainian history, instances of recruiting foreigners into military service are also notable. One such example is the paid military service of Scandinavian soldiers to various princes within the territories of Kievan Rus, and these warriors were known as Varangians, or Vikings.

It is important to acknowledge the nuances associated with the state structure of that time in this example. The Vikings were not merely salaried soldiers but were integrated into the state administration of the principalities. However, this specific aspect is beyond the scope of the current article. In Byzantine sources, all Scandinavians serving as mercenaries were collectively referred to as Varangians.

Later, in the 16th and 17th centuries, Ukrainians themselves, as part of Kozak (Cossack) detachments, gained popularity as mercenaries in Europe.

Modern Examples of Foreign Involvement in Armies

The historical practice of attracting foreigners to national armies spans both the medieval and modern eras. While it is impractical to detail all historical instances, as they may not directly pertain to the article’s focus, a noteworthy example worth examining is the formation and operations of the International Brigades (Interbrigades) during the Spanish Civil War that lasted from 1936 to 1939. This example bears resemblance to the contemporary process of forming units with foreigners in Ukraine. Studying the Spanish experience can offer insights to avoid repeating mistakes made during that period.

The Spanish Civil War divided the country into two camps: Republicans – supporters of the Popular Front government, various socialist, communist, and anarchist parties; and Nationalists – an alliance of phalangists, monarchists, and conservatives who supported the military junta led by General Franco.

During the Spanish Civil War, the Soviet Union offered military aid to the Republicans, while Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy supported Franco’s faction.

The Republicans faced a shortage of human resources in their confrontation with the Francoists, prompting the creation of the International Brigades to address this issue.

The formation of the International Brigades was orchestrated with significant involvement from the Communist International, a left-wing, international communist organization headquartered in Moscow.

This organization took the initiative to convene an international communist conference in Prague, during which a decision was reached to establish International Brigades comprising approximately 5,000 individuals.

Individuals from 53 countries around the world participated in the formation of these units.

Commencing in 1936, six International Brigades (along with several separate detachments) were established:

11th Interbrigade “Thälmann”

12th Interbrigade “Garibaldi”

13th Interbrigade “Dombrowski”

14th Interbrigade “La Marseillaise”

15th Interbrigade of mixed composition (“English,” “American,” “Franco-Belgian,” “Slavic” and “Spanish” Battalions)

129th Interbrigade of mixed composition.

It’s interesting to note the existence of the Taras Shevchenko Company within the Polish Dąbrowski Brigade. This company comprised Polish citizens of Ukrainian origin.

Brigades initially attempted to form based on language considerations. However, as evident from the national composition of the brigades, recruiting foreigners in significant numbers to create language-based brigades proved challenging due to the relatively small number of foreigners available.

As a result, a total of six International Brigades were established, but starting from 1937, they comprised only 15-25 percent of foreigners. This indicates that the actual number of volunteers supporting the Republicans was relatively low. The decision to create as many as seven International Brigades might have stemmed from a desire to portray widespread global support for communists and leftists, even if such support was not as extensive as suggested.

Throughout the existence of the International Brigades from 1936 to 1939, their peak total numbered approximately 35,000 to 40,000 individuals.

The city of Albacete served as the central hub for the formation and management of the International Brigades.

The International Brigades operated under a complex subordination structure, leading to challenges when participating in operations alongside other units of the Republican army. The inherent “autonomy” of these units also influenced overall discipline, requiring a significant number of translators for coordination during battles due to the diverse representation of different nations.

Starting from 1937, countries supporting the Republicans began imposing restrictions on involving their citizens as volunteers. Additionally, the number of foreigners in the International Brigades decreased due to casualties. This led to a gradual increase in the proportion of Spaniards within these brigades, with some brigades having as low as 20-25% foreign participation.

The resistance to “Hispanization” stemmed from entrenched traditions of autonomy within these units, and a full integration into the government army was met with resistance.

In the spring of 1937, the political council of the International Brigades decided on full integration with the government army, but due to the majority of brigades being at the front, this plan faced challenges. Minister of Defense Indalecio Prieto suggested disbanding the International Brigades, but the idea did not gain support.

As a result, the government commission decided to reduce the number of International Brigades to five (mainly divided by language), transfer the rear base in Albacete to the Ministry of Defense, and increase the percentage of Spaniards in the International Brigades to 40-50%. The role of the Albacete base shifted to focus more on training recruits, and changes were made to the terms of service for volunteers, including tightened social guarantees and the introduction of a 13-day leave after every six months of participation in hostilities.

In October 1937, the Chief of the General Staff of the Spanish Armed Forces, V. Rojo, signed a decree officially enshrining these reorganizations. The key aspect of the decree was the loss of autonomy by the International Brigades, as they became fully integrated structures within the People’s Army.

The history of the formation and challenges faced by the International Brigades is complex and nuanced, deserving a more detailed exploration in a separate article. However, a brief analysis of this military formation reveals similarities with the challenges currently encountered by the Ukrainian army:

– problems of integration into the national army (structure of subordination);

– language and national communication issues;

– issues of social security and legal status.

International Legion and Formation of Foreigners in the Armed Forces of Ukraine

The creation of the International Legion and the incorporation of foreigners into the Armed Forces of Ukraine have become notable developments since the onset of the large-scale invasion. Foreigners are now serving in various capacities, including the International Legion of the Defence Intelligence of Ukraine, the International Legion of Territorial Defense of Ukraine, and certain independent units comprised of foreign personnel.

The military formation of foreigners showed themselves quite well in battles. But the public better known operations of the special services with the involvement of such units are the raids of the Russian Volunteer Corps (RDK) on the territory of the Russian Federation.

Military Units with Foreign Personnel: Operational Challenges

– Complex Subordination Structure: One significant organizational challenge faced by units with foreign personnel is the intricate and challenging nature of their structure. Specifically, the subordination of the entire International Legion to the Defence Intelligence of Ukraine (DIU) raises concerns. Given that a substantial portion of this unit engages primarily in combined arms battles rather than specialized operations, questions arise. Although these units are expected to be placed under the operational control of the Joint Task Force (JTF) at the front, this adds complexity to the training and management processes.

The decision to incorporate a unit of foreigners within the Territorial Defense Forces (TDF) instead of direct subordination to the Ground Forces Command lacks clarity. This raises questions about the rationale behind not consolidating all infantry units composed of foreigners, excluding those assigned to special services, under a single command. Such organizational ambiguities may impact coordination and overall operational efficiency.

– Predominant Use in Assault Operations: Units comprised of foreign personnel are predominantly deployed as assault infantry. While it is logical that they should not possess any advantages over units within the Armed Forces of Ukraine, consisting of Ukrainian citizens, the exclusive assignment to assault roles may create the perception among those serving that they are considered “expendable.” While the Russians use prisoners as “expendable” assets, adopting a similar approach in employing foreigners within the Ukrainian army, some of whom are motivated by ideological reasons, may undermine their motivation. This could lead to a decline in the number of foreigners willing to join the Armed Forces of Ukraine. To boost motivation and encourage greater participation, the deployment of units with foreign personnel should adhere to principles of equality with their “Ukrainian” counterparts.

– Lack of a Unified Support and Rehabilitation System:

An overlooked issue for foreigners serving in the Armed Forces of Ukraine is the absence of an autonomous system for medical and social rehabilitation. The complex management structure, characterized by the dispersion of foreigners across different units and detachments, coupled with language barriers and bureaucratic hurdles related to the absence of Ukrainian documents, makes it challenging to ensure proper medical and social support for foreign personnel serving in the Armed Forces of Ukraine.

– Absence of Subdivisions Structured According to Training and Qualification Levels:

Foreigners entering service in the Armed Forces of Ukraine bring varying levels of training and qualifications. Unfortunately, this diversity is not adequately considered when organizing the operations of such detachments. For instance, individuals from NATO countries may possess expertise in artillery or electronic warfare, making them specialists in specific military domains. Utilizing them as ordinary infantry might be impractical. However, within the International Legion, there are no distinct artillery units or specialized units that accommodate individuals with high technical qualifications.

– Lack of Detachment of Subdivisions Based on Motivation:

A significant portion of foreigners serving in the Armed Forces of Ukraine is primarily motivated by financial incentives. While $2-3,000 may be substantial for some individuals, there are also volunteers driven by specific ideological factors. Although they constitute approximately 20% of the total, it is crucial to consider this motivational factor when forming units within the International Legion.

– Absence of Recruiting Abroad:

Another challenge hindering the increase in the number of foreign volunteers is the lack of coordinated and purposeful efforts by the Armed Forces of Ukraine and other state authorities to actively recruit foreign citizens abroad.

– Lack of Media Structure and Popularization Efforts:

A crucial component in attracting foreigners to serve in the Ukrainian army should involve the establishment of a media unit within the International Legion. Its role would be to shape a positive and popular image of the Legion, contributing to increased awareness and appeal.

Increasing Foreign Units Effectiveness

The outbreak of the “great war” (invasion) has presented Ukraine with a personnel shortage in its army. This challenge was anticipated, given the substantial disparity in human resources compared to the opponent. As the conflict transitions into a protracted war during its second phase, the personnel shortage is expected to worsen for Ukraine, posing additional challenges to the armed forces.

A partial solution, or at least a means of mitigating the issue, could involve increasing the participation of foreigners in the service of the Armed Forces.

The challenges related to attracting and popularizing the service of foreigners in the Armed Forces of Ukraine have been outlined above. The successful resolution of these issues is essential for both increasing and strengthening the foreign component in the Armed Forces of Ukraine.

1. To change the subordination of these units to the Armed Forces. Separate units of foreigners who perform tasks in the interests of special services, from units used in combined arms combat.

Assign units like the RDK, Siberian Battalion, Freedom of Russia Legion, Belarusian Volunteer Corps, and similar entities to remain under the direct authority of the Defence Intelligence of Ukraine. This decision is based on their frequent involvement in special operations, including missions within the territory of the Russian Federation.

Combine the remaining units from the International Legion and the International Legion of Territorial Defense of Ukraine into a unified entity, considering the designation of a division or corps depending on the size of the force. This strategic decision aligns with the predominant participation of these foreign units in combined arms battles. Subordinate this consolidated unit to either the Ground Force Command or the Joint Forces Command for more effective coordination and command structure.

2. The formation of units should start with the establishment of units, such as a Division, comprised of foreigners, by prioritizing the creation of a self-sufficient support system. This involves the establishment (allocation) of permanent bases with living conditions elevated to European standards. It includes the construction of essential facilities such as firing ranges, a training center, and a logistics center. Additionally, the creation of a dedicated medical center designed for the treatment and rehabilitation of foreign personnel is essential. To enhance the well-being and recreation of the Division, allocate one or more state-owned recreation centers, taking inspiration from the French Foreign Legion, which even has its own nursing home. The overarching aim is to create a self-sustaining system for material and medical support within the Division or Corps.

3. Enact legislation specifically addressing the social security of foreigners serving in the Armed Forces of Ukraine. Clearly outline the benefits they are entitled to, the process of assistance from the state in the event of injury or death, eligibility for pensions, and other forms of support. Establish a comprehensive procedure for obtaining Ukrainian citizenship for foreign service members. Address challenges related to payment difficulties for wounded personnel, taking into consideration their lack of certain identification codes or internal documents that citizens of Ukraine typically possess. Ensure that the law provides a clear and inclusive framework for the social security and well-being of foreigners serving in the Armed Forces.

4. Revise the organizational structure of the envisioned Division (Corps) to transform it into a fully operational ground forces unit capable of independently executing combat missions. Expand the composition of the Division beyond infantry, incorporating dedicated artillery units, electronic warfare (EW) capabilities, strike Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs), tanks, etc. and prioritizing the incorporation of Western equipment.

5. Implement a divisional structure based on language and regional affiliations, dividing the Division into distinct regiments with identifiable characteristics. The Caucasian Regiment should unite several battalions composed of Chechen personnel. The Polish Regiment would bring together a significant number of Poles and citizens from Baltic countries. The Latin American Regiment is going to consolidate Hispanic immigrants from Latin America. The European Regiment will form a unit comprising English-speaking foreigners from Western Europe and U.S.

Grouping individuals who speak the same or related languages into a single Division will streamline unit management. Additionally, designating English as the working language for the Division will help in the future.

6. Establish within the Division (Corps) a dedicated structure responsible for recruiting foreign citizens. This unit will develop proposals for a simplified mechanism for foreigners to enter service, minimizing bureaucratic procedures, and offering comprehensive administrative support during registration. The Division’s recruiting centers should be present in Ukraine and abroad, particularly in countries granting permission for their citizens to serve in the Armed Forces of Ukraine. In countries where permission is not granted, conduct online campaigns and collaborate with Ukrainian secret services.

Ideally, a foreign citizen expressing a desire to join the Armed Forces of Ukraine should only need to approach one of the designated recruiting posts abroad or notify Ukrainian border guards upon entering the country. All subsequent support and administrative processes should be handled by the specified recruiting service.

7. Establish a media operations structure as part of the Division (Corps). Draw on the positive experience of the existing media structure within the 3rd Assault Brigade, which focuses on creating a positive media image and encouraging civilian recruitment. Expand this experience to reach a foreign audience and allocate adequate financial resources for its implementation.

The media service of the Division should be dedicated to shaping a positive and appealing image of the International Division. In practice, its work would involve developing information resources, creating engaging narratives and stories about the Division’s activities, conducting interviews with fighters, collaborating with international media outlets, assisting in film production, and contacting film manufacturers to explore opportunities for producing media products that highlight the International Division.

The key distinction from the recruiting service lies in the focus on creating a broader public image rather than administrative support for recruits. While the recruiting service is concerned with the practical aspects of enlistment, the media service aims to cultivate a positive and appealing narrative surrounding the Division, making it attractive to a wider audience and potential recruits.

Drawing inspiration from the romanticized image of the French Foreign Legion portrayed in films, media, and books, a similar approach should be taken to shape the image of the international division of the Armed Forces of Ukraine.

To enhance the appeal for potential recruits, Ukraine can offer financial remuneration and highlight the unique experiences and motivations of those who join (and that’s normal). Those with ideological motives are also divided into several groups having different desires: a desire to take part in hostilities and self-assertion, a desire for adventure, and a desire for revenge against the Russians (this is typical for Poles, Baltics, Caucasians and some other nations).

To effectively attract recruits, the International Division should be portrayed as a place where individuals can fulfill their desires. The Division’s image should highlight the opportunity for individuals to achieve what they want through their service. Simultaneously, the messaging should underscore that the conflict in Ukraine transcends a bilateral issue between two countries; rather, it represents Russia’s endeavor to revive an empire, posing a broader threat to Europe and the civilized world. Highlighting the support Russia receives from other authoritarian regimes like China, Iran, and North Korea can emphasize the global significance of the conflict. By framing the war as a struggle of the civilized world against authoritarian empires threatening global stability, the Division can appeal to recruits motivated by ideological reasons.

The media efforts of the Division’s structure should be tailored primarily to the foreign target audience, taking into account the specificities of each country from which recruitment is possible. The content should highlight aspects that would be positively received by the population of a particular country. For instance, if an artillery division (or regiment) is established, armed with Polish Krab self-propelled guns and manned by Poles, showcasing its effectiveness on the front lines through media coverage would resonate positively with Polish society. This narrative would depict Poles, armed with Polish weaponry, demonstrating success in battle against a historical adversary.

8. Active educational work, similar to the approach taken by the 3rd Assault Brigade, should be integrated into the activities of the International Division. Drawing from the experience of the 3rd Brigade, where professional historians are engaged in educational work and unique Brigade rituals are formed, this model can be applied to the International Division.

Educational initiatives within the Division should be implemented at the unit level, with a focus on providing straightforward and accessible instruction on the history of Ukraine, the reasons behind and the history of the conflict with Russia. Recognizing the diverse ethno-cultural composition of the Division, the educational program should be tailored to each ethnic group.

This ideological education will prove beneficial for Ukraine, especially considering that most veterans will eventually return to their home countries. Their understanding of our history and the causes of the conflict will shape the narrative they convey upon their return, influencing public opinion in their respective nations.

Conclusion

The decision to involve foreigners in serving in the Armed Forces of Ukraine is a strategic and beneficial move for strengthening the military. However, certain shortcomings need correction to fully harness the potential of these units. Currently, their subordination to the DIU and TDF without consideration for their specific tasks, along with the absence of a unified command structure, limits their effectiveness.

The underestimation of the potential of these military formations is also incorrect, which led to their use for the most part as assault infantry and their weak social welfare and uncertain social guarantees in law exactly as foreigners. This leads to a decrease in the number of motivated foreigners joining the Armed Forces of Ukraine. Correcting these shortcomings will increase the number of foreigners who express their desire to join the Armed Forces.

The clear legal status and procedure for serving in the Armed Forces of Ukraine on the terms of short-term contracts for foreigners will allow Ukraine to more broadly attract highly specialized representatives of private military companies.

The state should recognize the strategic advantages of having foreigners in the Armed Forces. Beyond simply increasing the military headcount, this approach offers the opportunity to access experienced professionals familiar with modern weaponry. Notably, the involvement of foreign combat pilots and aviation technicians could expedite the integration of new Western aircraft into the Ukrainian Air Force. This would not only broaden the recruitment of motivated individuals but also allow for the engagement of highly specialized professionals, including those with experience in private military companies. Such specialists could contribute significantly to areas such as EW/SIGINT, artillery, signal corps, medical services, PSYOP, and more.

Additionally, the positive foreign policy consequences of having a substantial number of foreigners serve in the Armed Forces should be acknowledged. Upon returning to their countries, these veterans can form organizations, and Ukraine should actively support the establishment of such groups abroad. These veteran organizations can play a crucial role in disseminating information about the Russian-Ukrainian war in their respective countries, assisting Ukraine in foreign policy activities, and countering Russia’s negative propaganda influence.